With the presence of Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez; and heads of state Nicolás Maduro, from Venezuela; Evo Morales, from Bolivia; Salvador Sánchez Cerén, from El Salvador; and more than 630 delegates and guests, the Final Declaration of Havana was read, as well as an action plan for the coming year.

Mónica Valente, executive secretary of the organization, described the event as emblematic and thanked the leadership of the Communist Party of Cuba and our people for the effort made to host the event, opening our arms to the struggles of peoples around the region and the world.

Resolutions from sector meetings were presented, and debates summarized, while an international campaign to demand “Freedom for Lula now” was launched, with a worldwide twitter effort planned for this coming August.

The closing remarks were made by José Ramón Machado Ventura, Party second secretary, who recalled that, for Fidel, the word ‘defeat ‘ never existed, only temporary setbacks, since as long as there is injustice, there will be revolutions.

(Granma)

For obvious reasons, a personal and more wide-ranging interview with this journalist could not be conducted. However, the fact that Lula took some of his time while imprisoned to answer our questions makes this interview particularly significant, not only for Cuban readers, but all those around the world.

As a candidate for the Presidency of Brazil, with the greatest popular support and all polls indicating you are the favorite to win, how would you describe the persecution and imprisonment to which you have been subjected?

It’s a political process, political imprisonment. The case against me fails to point to a crime, nor is there any evidence. They had to disrespect the Constitution to arrest me. What is becoming increasingly transparent to Brazilian society and the world is that they want to take me out of the 2018 elections. The coup in 2016, with the removal of an elected president, indicates that they don’t accept the people voting for whoever they want to vote for.

For many leaders imprisoned simply for fighting for the people, prison has served as a place for reflection and the organization of ideas to continue the struggle. In your case, how are you dealing with these first days, since you are preventing from being in contact with the people?

I’m reading and thinking a lot, it’s a moment of much reflection about Brazil and especially everything that has happened in recent times. I am at peace with my conscience and I doubt that all those who lied against me sleep as peacefully as I do.

Of course I would like to be free and doing what I have done all my life: dialoging with the people. But I am aware that the injustice that is being committed against me is also an injustice against the Brazilian people.

How important is it for you to know that across all Brazilian states there are thousands of compatriots in favor of your release?

The relationship that I have built over decades with the Brazilian people, with social movement organizations, is a very trusting relationship and it is something that I greatly appreciate, because in my entire political career I always insisted on never betraying that trust. And I would not betray that trust for any money, for an apartment, for nothing. That was the case before being president, during my presidency and afterwards. So, for me, that solidarity is something that moves me and encourages me to stand fast.

How would you define the concept of democracy imposed by the oligarchy to exclude leaders of the left and ensure they don’t come to power?

Latin America has experienced its strongest moment of democracy and social gains in the last decades. But recently the elites of the region are trying to impose a model where the democratic process is only valid when they win, which, of course, is not democracy. So it is an attempt at democracy without the people. When it doesn’t turn out the way they want, they change the rules of the game to benefit the vision of a small minority. That is very serious. And we are not only seeing it in Latin America, but throughout the world, an increase in intolerance and political persecution. It has happened in Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador and other countries.

What message do you send to all those who, in Brazil and around the world, are showing solidarity with you and demanding your immediate release?

I really appreciate all the solidarity. It is necessary to be solidary with the Brazilian people. Unemployment is rising, more than a million families have returned to cooking with firewood because of the increase in the price of cooking gas, millions who had left poverty behind are once again facing the situation of having nothing to eat, and even the middle class has lost jobs and income.

Brazil was on a path of decades of democratic progress, of political participation, and together with this, social advances, which accelerated with the governments of the PT (Worker’s Party), which won four elections in a row.

They have not only dealt the PT a blow. They didn’t arrest me just to malign Lula. They did so against a model of national development and social inclusion. The coup was to do away with the rights of workers and retirees, gained over the last 60 years. And the people are realizing that. And we are going to need a lot of organization to return to a popular government in Brazil, with sovereignty, social inclusion and economic development.

Lula, the same friend who kindly sent us the answers to this interview, also passed on two special messages: “I take this opportunity to thank compañeros Raúl Castro and Miguel Díaz-Canel for their solidary greetings, which were transmitted to me by Frei Betto.”

(Granma)

And there is also disinterest in this act of ceding, that does not imply quitting. There is much humility in those who leave to others the leadership of the great work of the Revolution to which they have given their all – to now accompany those bearing the responsibility, in Raúl’s case, as the highest authority in the political vanguard and from his seat as a deputy.

The events were as natural as they were transcendental.

On the first day of the Assembly’s constituent session, we saw Raúl take his seat in the first row, exercise his right to vote, ballot in hand, showing with his unassuming conduct that the time had arrived, the moment that always seemed so distant.

And when Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez was elected as President of Cuba, Raúl stepped up, without any unnecessary protocol or solemn posture, to receive him, embrace him, show his confidence in the man, the future.

Speaking of Díaz-Canel, Raúl emphasized that he is no rookie, noting his work as an engineer, an officer in the Revolutionary Armed Forces, a youth leader and later a professional Party cadre in Villa Clara and Holguín. He spoke of his performance as Minister of Higher Education, and for the last five years, as First Vice President of the Councils of State and Ministers.

The new President spoke of Raúl as a statesman, of his leadership in the development of national consensus on the updating process underway in the country, as well as his rich history as a participant in the Moncada assault, a Granma expeditionary, a guerilla, military commander, and political leader.

“I’m not here to promise anything,” Díaz-Canel said, “as the Revolution never did over all these years. I’m here to offer commitment,” to continue working and creating tirelessly, in step with the people.

In this endeavor, we are not alone, because “even our dead accompany us.”

It may not be easy to do all that needs to be done, but this April 19, there was no parting. The continuity has a face, faces.

(Granma)

If Washington once fantasized about a world in its own image and likeness, in which progress would spread to countries that did not challenge its hegemony, it is now clear that there is only room for one country at the top. And anyone who disputes U.S. dominance must face “fire and fury.”

What can Latin America and the Caribbean expect of their northern neighbor? The next meeting of the continent’s heads of state, in mid-April in Lima, Peru, will be an opportunity to see.

With the opening of the 8th Summit of the Americas – an initiative of Bill Clinton’s administration to promote free trade – a month off, the White House must prepare the ground.

This is the task of Vice President Mike Pence today, during the Organization of American States Council meeting in Washington, where he will offer an unusual speech on his government’s priorities in relation to the continent.

Pence will be the first U.S. Vice President to address the body since Democrat Al Gore did so in 1994, reflecting the lack of importance Washington gives this “council of colonies,” except when the U.S. is looking to attack or promote coups in sovereign countries.

U.S. officials have already announced plans to redouble aggression against Venezuela, with the overthrow of its government an obsession for this administration, as it attempts to extend an olive branch to others countries in the region and soften its offences.

The Summit in Lima will be the first time Trump comes face to face with his Latin American and Caribbean counterparts, who still hold fresh in their memories the xenophobic rhetoric he used in his 2016 election campaign; his threats to make Mexico pay for a border wall; his description of Haiti and El Salvador as “shithole countries” and immigrants from the region as “murderers and rapists.”

As Pence speaks to the OAS in Washington, meeting in Lima will be representatives of civil society from across the continent, in what is being called a Hemispheric Dialogue, to address issues like forced disappearances, neoliberal austerity measures, lay-offs and pension cuts, murders of journalists, corruption, and the “soft” coups taking place in our region.

Simultaneously in Cuba, a Thinking the Americas Forum will take on the challenge of addressing the diversity and richness of Cuban civil society in times of change, to pave the way for a prosperous and sustainable socialism.

Three events in three distinct locations, at a key moment in the region, again facing the confrontation of two Americas, two different historical projects, on the same continent.

As our emancipators did 200 years ago, this appears to be the time to say: “Latin America and the Caribbean first.”

(Granma)

With the announcement that the United States is set to raise taxes on steel and aluminum imports, the Donald Trump administration might has just launched the first bomb of a trade war with unpredictable consequences.

Following an intense White House meeting – it was reported that some of Trumps’ closest advisors categorically oppose the measure – the President announced he would impose duties of 25% on imported steel and 10% on aluminum imports.

The United States is one of biggest purchasers of steel and aluminum worldwide. Last year, according to Reuters, the country acquired around 36 million tons of steel from a hundred or so countries.

Trump intends to impose duties of 25% on imported steel and 10% on aluminum imports. Photo: Getty Images
Trump tried to justify the measure claiming that the current state of the national steel industry poses a threat to national security, given the rise of emerging powers like China.

However, Canada and South Korea, both stanch allies of Washington and two of the biggest suppliers of steel to the U.S. could also be affected; while Brazil and Mexico are the Latin American countries that are set to suffer the most damage.

Although it has continually subsidized strategic sectors like agriculture and the military industry, over recent years the United States has been one of main defenders of free trade.

The protectionist rhetoric however, entered the White House with the arrival of Trump and his “America first” discourse. Although many believed that his message was intended more to win the election than actually reshape the country’s economic policy maintained by the Republicans and Democrats since WWII, the recent announcements show that the President is ready and willing to take concrete action.

The rise of rival powers such as China and Russia, and what President Trump calls “unfair trade” practices with allied nations, seem to have convinced some in Washington of the need to change the rules of the game.

However, experts agree that it will be difficult for Trump to maneuver in the tangled system of international trade without exposing himself to a trade war.

For example, Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission described the new tariff plan as “a blatant intervention to protect US domestic industry,” promising countermeasures by the bloc if Trump goes ahead with his decision.

China, supposedly the source of Trump’s concern, also has a few cards up its sleeve to offset U.S. markets, with Beijing stating that it will “take necessary measures to safeguard its legitimate rights and interests.”

On March 2, Trump confirmed analysts’ worst fears after posting the message: “Trade wars are good, and easy to win” on his Twitter account.

On March 5 however, the U.S President made another announcement which could explain his reckless policy, stating that he would be willing to review tariffs if a new and “fair” North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is signed with Mexico and Canada.

Although the president claims that his actions come in response to the United States’ geopolitical confrontation with China, the move could also be seen as an attempt to extract concessions from its neighbors, at a time when the almost 30 year-old trade agreement is be renegotiated and Washington is claiming that it has large trade deficits with the two nations.

In any case, if the measure is eventually implemented, the changes will have an immediate impact on the price of steel and aluminum in the U.S., benefiting national producers, but harming the rest of the industry which depends on such materials to manufacture aircrafts, cars, and even cell phones and household appliances.

The last time Washington applied a similar measure was in 2002, during the George W. Bush administration, which saw around 200,000 industry workers lose their jobs. The Republican President reversed the measure less than two years later.

However, a contradiction exists between the economic thought which has predominated in United States since 1945 and the country’s protectionist actions. Experts meanwhile, blame the trade war – which occurred from the end of the WWI through the start of WWII – for worsening the Great Depression in the 1930s and are advising not to make the same mistake again.

(Granma)

Compañeras and compañeros:

Today, February 24, we celebrate the 123rd anniversary of the resumption of our War of Independence called for by José Martí.

The profound significance of this date marked the maturity and the crystallization of the project proposed by Martí, who in order to lead it and to make it happen, founded the Cuban Revolutionary Party.

When everything seemed lost, his ability to find an alternative and overcome any setback, led him to summon the people to a definitive effort: the war that he believed necessary when he thought it unavoidable. He continually called for national unity, articulating the best traditions of the past, without overlooking all those who were willing to sacrifice and give their lives for a greater cause.

A month later, on March 25, 1895, in Montecristi, the Dominican Republic, Martí, along with Major General Máximo Gómez, signed the Manifesto which set out the scope and aims of the struggle. Together they left for Cuba to join the liberation struggle, landing at Playitas de Cajobabo on April 11, just like Major General Antonio Maceo had done a few days before at Duaba.

As Fidel stated on the 100th anniversary of the Ten Years War, “Martí gathered up the flags of Céspedes, Agramonte, and the heroes that fell in that struggle and led Cuba’s revolutionary ideas in that period to their highest expression.”

There is no better moment than this to award the honorific title of Hero of Labor of the Republic of Cuba – in fitting recognition of a lifetime of work committed to the Revolution – to three brave compañeros who already hold the honorable title of Heroes of the Republic of Cuba. I am referring to José Ramón Machado Ventura and Comandantes of the Revolution Ramiro Valdés Menéndez and Guillermo García Frías.

As for Machado Ventura, I could highlight that he joined the struggle against the tyranny as a medical student at the University of Havana, and 65 years ago he participated in the first March of the Torches, in January 1953.

In 1957 he joined the Rebel Army in the Sierra Maestra and served as a doctor and guerilla fighter in various battles. He was a founder of the Second Front; and organized and led the Military Health Department until the end of the struggle, where he was wounded in combat. He developed a broad network of field hospitals and dispensaries which not only offered services to combatants but also, and most importantly, the area’s population, who in many places had never seen a doctor before.

After the triumph of the Revolution he was appointed Head of Medical Services of Havana and of the FAR(Revolutionary Armed Forces) and later Minister of Public Health.

He is a founder of the Communist Party of Cuba and in 1975 was elected as a member of the Political Bureau. He was First Party Secretary in various provinces.
Since 2011, he has served as second secretary of the Central Committee. He is a vice president of the Councils of State and Ministers.

Ramiro Valdés Menéndez joined the revolutionary struggle at a young age. He participated in the March of the Torches in January 1953 and in the attacks on the Moncada Garrison that same year, during which he was injured. He was imprisoned on the Isle of Pines and lived in exile in Mexico, where he joined the Granma expedition.

He was involved in multiple battles in the Sierra Maestra, and participated alongside Che in the invasion of the West as second commander of the Ciro Redondo Column No. 8.

Since the triumph of the Revolution he has occupied important posts, including Minister of the Interior on two occasions, and as a vice president of the Councils of State and Ministers, a position which he currently holds. He is a member of the Party Political Bureau.

A lot more can be said about each one of these figures on this occasion, but in the case of Ramiro, I have always admired him because he is the only one of us who – in addition to those actions taken some months before Moncada, during which we marched in the first March of the Torches led by Fidel 65 years ago – was wounded in the taking of the main post during the Moncada assault; where he was shot in the heel with the bullet lodging itself in his foot. When we met up, or when we were brought together again at the Vivac (prison) in Santiago de Cuba, he showed me his blood-stained socks, but said he didn’t know where the bullet was. The years went by and he began to limp in the Sierra Maestra because of a callus he had on the sole of his foot. On various occasions he was unable to continue marching with the rest of the initial group of the liberation war, until one day, he began to scrape away at the callus with his own knife until the bullet of the Moncada attack appeared, shot by an enemy as he fell to the ground mortally wounded.

There are dozens or hundreds of heroic feats or important acts linked to each one, and which of course were not even recorded in the few campaign diaries that were written. What is more, unlike the rest of us in the liberation war, Ramiro had the good fortune and honor of being the second commander of the Column led by Che to Las Villas.

Guillermo García Frías, who recently celebrated his 90th birthday, organized a network of campesinos to help the Granma expeditionaries and take them to the Sierra Maestra. An astute man, he personally led Fidel and the other combatants to Cinco Palmas and recovered various rifles.

He was the first campesino to join the Rebel Army, with an outstanding record, first as a combatant and later as second commander of the Third Front when it was founded in early March 1958, led by then Comandante Juan Almeida.

There are hundreds of anecdotes about Guillermo; of the early days and following the Granma landing, we will only touch on some aspects. It was he who led Fidel and two other compañeros, Faustino Pérez – who was a doctor – and Universo Sánchez, one of which was unarmed having left his rifle behind on treating the wounded in the first clash at Alegría de Pío.

That is to say that Fidel arrived to the Sierra Maestra with two other combatants, only one of which was armed. It was Guillermo García that got them around the blockade on the old road from the Pilón sugar mill to the municipal capital of Niquero; it was he who – fulfilling other urgent missions given him by the Comandante en Jefe, from Purial de Vicana, or Cinco Palmas de Vicana, where they first set up camp – gathered together almost all of us who originally joined up, including Ramiro himself, Almeida, Che, Camilo; and thus the initial group of three, then five more, then eight, gradually reuniting this important group of compañeros.

One of the first actions he took in support of the nascent guerilla force, was the number of rifles he collected in the days following these events of which I am speaking, from the 15th to the 18th, which together with the few we already had weren’t event sufficient to form a platoon, but were enough to launch the first attack; and although it might not have been the best moment to do so, with hundreds of soldiers hot on our heels, Fidel said that, with this first battle, we had to show the people that the guerillas were still here and would continue the war. This was the reason behind the battle of La Plata, barely a few weeks after this initial group, with the help of Guillermo García, were reunited. Other tasks would follow later.

As the first campesino to join the Rebel Army, he was also the first to be promoted. He had an outstanding track record, first as a combatant and then as second commander of the Third Front, under the command of Almeida.

After the triumph of the Revolution, he occupied various positions in the Revolutionary Armed Forces. Later he also served, among other roles, as a Political Bureau delegate in the former province of Oriente; a vice president of the Councils of State and Ministers, Minister of Transport, and President of the Flora and Fauna Enterprise Group, where he has done an outstanding job.

He was a member of the Party Political Bureau from 1965 through 1986, and is currently a member of the Central Committee and Council of State.

Regarding characteristics shared by these three Mambises of our times I can cite their loyalty to the Revolution and to Fidel, their commitment to work, modesty and humility, which have made them worthy of the recognition and respect of the Cuban people.

It is not by chance that we are commemorating this date in the Capitolio building, whose tenacious restoration, has enabled the attributes of one of the most important buildings in the country to be highlighted, and in whose crypt rest the ashes of the Unknown Mambí, before which an eternal flame burns as a tribute of the people to their founding fathers and the glorious Liberation Army, and is surrounded by the flags of nations of the continent.

Today, this building is the headquarters of the National Assembly of People’s Power. It is also irrefutable proof of the care and interest that must always be put into preserving the cultural heritage of the nation.

Let me take this solemn moment to extend a well-deserved congratulations to Havana City Historian, Eusebio Leal, and those collaborators who have been most closely associated with the massive restoration of the Capitolio; including architect Perla Rosales; engineers Mariela Mulet, Yohanna Aedo and Tatiana Fernández; restoration expert Patricia Coma; professor Juan Carlos Botello and his students from the Vocational School; historian Lesbia Méndez; director of the City Historian Office’s Construction Enterprise, Conrado Hechavarría; and German expert Michael Diegmann.

On a day like today, as we honor those noble Cubans who in 1895 returned to the battle field to free Cuba, I repeat Fidel’s words spoken in 1965: “We would have been like them then, and they would have been like us now!” This is the commitment we have upheld and will also be that which guides the present and future generations, in order that the Homeland continues to be free.

Thank you very much. (Applause)

(Granma)

It is therefore the researcher’s job to revive this legacy and organize it in such a way as to help one understand the scope of a figure, and the historic moment they were destined to live.

This is precisely what researcher and essayist Abel González Santamaría has done in his book Raúl Castro y Nuestra América. 86 discursos, intervenciones y declaraciones (Raúl Castro and Our America. 86 speeches, remarks and statements) which was presented in the Nicolás Guillén at Havana’s Cabaña Fortress on February 7, as part of activities during the latest edition of Cuba’s International Book Fair.

González Santamaría’s new book is more than a simple historical account, instead offering us Raúl the statesman, whose work – defined by over half a century of revolutionary efforts – stands firm.

With Raúl Castro y Nuestra América the Cuban researcher leaves a tool for present and future generations to continue the journey initiated over 200 years ago toward achieving the unity and integration of Our America.

The book, Fidel Castro y los Estados Unidos: 90 discursos, intervenciones y reflexiones(Fidel Castro and the United States: 90 speeches, remarks and reflections) was presented during the last Havana International Book Fair; while a similar compilation dedicated to Army General Raúl Castro is also being presented this year by Capitán San Luis publishers. What’s the link between the two works?
Both books share a dialectical link, because their authors, Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz and Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, are two men who share the same ideas and attitude when it comes to revolutionary theory and practice. The book Raúl Castro y Nuestra América: 86 discursos, intervenciones y declaraciones is like a second edition of Fidel Castro y los Estados Unidos: 90 discursos, intervenciones y reflexiones.

Can you describe the legacy of both leaders in regards to Latin American integration?

For over half a century of intense struggle they have shown that it was possible to integrate all the countries of our Great Homeland into one organization dedicated solely to “Our America” and without the presence of nations from outside the region. Fidel and Raúl, together with other revolutionary and progressive leaders from the continent, made a decisive contribution to the creation of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).

Don’t forget that in order to do so they (regional leaders) were first obliged to unite to defeat the “Free Trade Area of the Americas” (FTAA) agreement, an imperialist initiative by the United States’ which it attempted to implement in the region in the early 21st century. This victory was decisive toward advancing integration efforts.

How important is Cuba’s role as a key promoter of ‘unity within diversity’ to progress made in regional integration efforts?

Cuba’s continuous efforts to promote unity among nations of the region for over 60 years, and its respect for the political, economic, social and cultural system of each and every country, is recognized within the region. As a nation committed to its principles Cuba was selected to host the Second CELAC Summit in 2014, during which the 33 member-states declared “Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace.” This was a transcendental and historic event, and is the most important tool for nations in their struggle against constant acts of aggression and threats to peace, in a world in which the drums of war are sounding.

What role has Raúl’s thought – as presented in the book – played in these processes?

The text includes excerpts of his revolutionary work, from interviews with the press he offered in 1959 during the Meeting of Ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS), in Santiago de Chile, to his 2017 speech at the Fifth CELAC Summit in the Dominican Republic.
The Army General stands out as a statesman with an acute understanding of the social problems affecting our people; he is a tireless promoter of integrationist processes and a staunch anti-imperialist. His revolutionary thought will transcend this era and is a necessary tool to guide youth in these times.

The Cuban Revolution has been a beacon for leftist movements not only within the region but across the entire world. How can the new generation of Cubans carry on the struggle for just causes at an international level?

The best way is to continuously fulfill the concept of Revolution every day. This is the task left to us by the Comandante en Jefe of the Cuban Revolution. Remain united and set aside everything that can divide us.
We must learn from our mistakes and failures so as to prevent being misled and divided by the oligarchs. We must remain positive and believe in the betterment of humankind.
I think it’s important that Cuba continues to offer its solidarity to Third World countries, and fulfill its commitment to cooperation based on sharing the modest resources we have and not what we have to spare. We must also preserve the achievements made to date and continue with our policies of development and social inclusion in order to achieve a fairer distribution of wealth and to reduce inequality.

Are gains made by the right wing over recent years only temporary or do they mark the end of an era in the region?
There’s a debate going on about if we are witnessing the “end of the progressive era” in Latin America and the Caribbean, following the “end of history” as proclaimed by the right wing in the early 1990s – a period marked by neoliberal domination.
I’m one of those who believe that the progressive era has not come to an end despite the right wing’s obvious advances in the region, which I believe are only temporary. They are trying to return to neoliberalism and demoralize political forces and parties, social movements, and the working class.
Political processes aren’t linear, they are constantly moving and changing; they are subject to advances, stagnation, and setbacks. What has changed in recent years is that Our America has gained a new consciousness.

What’s your opinion of the Trump administration’s policy toward the region?

There’s a marked intention to return to the failed policies of the past. The new U.S. government’s attitude toward the region closest to its territory is one of disdain and disregard. Once again it is treating us like its “back yard” and vulgar criminals. This is the reality despite the damage control they try to do during their visits to Latin America and the Caribbean; and it’s obvious why – the 8th Summit of the Americas in Lima, Peru, is approaching and they need to prepare the ground if they want to achieve their geopolitical interests.

The Trump administration is obsessed with Cuba and Venezuela. There isn’t a single document or speech in which, when referring to the region, they do not mercilessly attack both nations.
At the same time, they continue to adopt more and more measures within the framework of the economic, commercial, and financial blockade to achieve a “regime change.”

Do you believe that Donald Trump’s hateful discourse toward immigrants and lack of respect for the countries of Latin America could help to unite nations of the region?

It is definitely contributing to uniting the region. His attitudes have been widely rejected and have automatically become a key motive behind protests and efforts to unite. Trump is set on implementing an anti-immigrant policy and building a wall on the border with Mexico, who he blames for some of the serious social problems within the United States. However, the wall is in fact a symbolic expression of his xenophobic and hard-line nationalist ideology toward countries south of the Río Bravo.

The history of Latin America has left us with many unresolved issues at a time when solutions are desperately needed. What answers can readers find in your two latest books?

Exploring the continued relevance of their (Fidel and Raúl’s) words was precisely one of my main aims with these two books. I must admit that the years I spent revising and analyzing all the texts for the two volumes (1,546 by Fidel and 1,468 by Raúl) have been the best lesson I have ever had. Their words are an endless source of knowledge on various political, economic, social, cultural, and scientific issues, which motivate you to constantly reflect, to better understand Cuban history and discover the depth of revolutionary thought.

I recommend reading the book’s prologue, which was lovingly written by my friend and teacher Eusebio Leal Spengler, a true gem of Latin American and Caribbean historiography, and to whom the 27th Cuba International Book Fair is dedicated. Leal Spengler is a man whose loyalty and contributions to Cuban culture have seen him win the love and admiration of our people.
I invite readers to continue investigating and debating the prolific works of Fidel and Raúl, two great men, renowned worldwide, who have elevated the thought of Marti’s idea of the Great Homeland to its highest expression, in the belief that “One just principle from the depths of a cave is more powerful than an army.”

(Granma)

Both options appear explicitly and without modesty, for example, in Spanish newspapers such as “El Pais” and “ABC”, and in notes of agencies such as “Europa Press”.

Each death endorsed to the government ignites, through social networks, hatred and persecution against Chavism. And it makes it easier for the Spanish police, by just one example, to violate the Vienna Convention and collaborate with a Venezuelan ultra-right group in the siege and abduction of more than 100 people in a diplomatic compound in Venezuela in Madrid,with the complicity of the media, of course.

Everything is a construction. A mediatic script that turns reality upside down;because of the 42 people who died between April, 3rd and May16th, the vast majority were killed by opponents. 25 of them, almost a 60%, were Chavez followers or police officers. Two were motorists who died in accidents caused by the placement of barricades. 9 died electrocuted in the looting of a bakery. To date, only 3 deaths have been directly ejecuted by police, and several officials have been arrested for that. Finally, three deaths of young opponents (which is under investigation) were produced with homemade weapons at close range, which points to selective murders of “false flag”.

The media conceal the extreme violence of the protests and the neo-fascist character of many of its participants. Despite this, President Nicolas Maduro has given a strict order that the police, in no case, carry firearms.

The videos of beatings to police or simply to people who recriminated the opposition violence never appear in the international media. Neither, curiously, the lynching of journalists, nor the attack or burning of Chavez followers homes, party headquarters that support the Government and public goods of all kinds, including a Maternal Hospital, medical offices or libraries.

The media silent that the outbreaks of protest is reduced only to a few middle and upper class municipalities in the country, where the mayoralties oppose their local police and even their garbage recollection: in places like Barquisimeto have come to sprinkle the wastes that are then burned in the public highway.There are images of these events that have not interested any international channel.

The media don´t report on Venezuela. Its task is to prepare public opinion to justify -or, at least, to remain immobile-in the case of an international intervention in Venezuela. As in Libya.

To avoid this, an intense and courageous mobilization of preventive solidarity is necessary, as the blatant denunciation of the role of these vulgar propagandists of violence and terror.

(Cubainformación)

During his stay, the Portuguese dignitary will hold official conversations with Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, president of Cuba’s Councils of State and Ministers, in addition to other activities.

(Granma)